A/HRC/27/60 Annex II [English only] Political context 1. Despite the efforts of the previous Joint Special Representative (JSR) Lakhdar Brahimi, a political stalemate continued to impede progress towards a negotiated solution. The Geneva 2 talks, which took place between 22 and 31 January 2014, failed to bridge the diametrically opposed positions of the Government and the National Coalition for Revolutionary and Opposition Forces (the Coalition). The Government continued to prioritise the fight against terrorism while the Coalition demanded immediate engagement on modalities for the transitional period. Brahimi’s official resignation on 13 May has further complicated the prospect of bringing the parties back to the negotiating table. On 10 July, Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon appointed Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura in a bid to revive the political process. 2. The likelihood of a political solution was further weakened by the results of the Syrian presidential elections held on 3 June, with President Assad reportedly winning 88% of the vote, and the gradual yet consistent military gains made by Government forces in certain areas. The Government has become politically and militarily entrenched and is, consequently, less likely to engage in a political process. The Coalition had categorically rejected the elections while President Assad portrayed them as a measure of legitimacy. The presidential inauguration on 16 July drew further regional and international criticism, including from the EU and the US. Russia and Iran stressed that the election results have reinforced President Assad’s authority and reflected his popular base of support. 3. The Coalition continued to suffer from internal divisions. Against the backdrop of competing interests of regional and international actors which provide military and financial support, divisions were particularly evident in the lead-up to the election of its current president, Hadi al-Bahra, on 9 July. While still representing the largest political umbrella for the Syrian opposition abroad, the Coalition continues to struggle to establish reliable links with local military councils and other, predominantly Islamist, forces inside the Syrian Arab Republic. Recent conflicts within the Coalition’s Supreme Military Council – intended to represent various ‘moderate’ military factions – are symptomatic of this disconnect. 4. Influential states continue to provide financial and military support to the various warring parties in the Syrian Arab Republic, reinforcing the existing political and military impasse. Significant changes in the conflict dynamics, however, have altered the regional and international approach towards the Syrian conflict. The emergence of ISIS as a potent military force, both in the Syrian Arab Republic and Iraq, has increased States’ caution, particularly in terms of supplying military aid to armed groups. Fears have arisen that any supplied weapons may be used by ISIS. The continued military and political fragmentation of the opposition has markedly reduced its overall effectiveness and compromised the trust of its regional and international backers. 5. With ISIS representing a regional and international threat, many States have shifted their priorities towards limiting its influence and preventing any potential spillover. Fighting extremism has become a common cause for States with otherwise conflicting interests, potentially signalling further changes in Governments’ policies towards the conflict. 6. The Security Council issued resolution 2165 (2014) on humanitarian cross-border aid on 15 July. Despite consensus on the grave violations being committed inside the Syrian 28