A/HRC/14/22
35.
Judicial arenas for obtaining reparations are, however, riddled with difficulties.
Procedural obstacles that victims of sexual violence have traditionally encountered in the
judicial arena can amount to an experience of re-victimization, exposing women not only to
psychological harm but also to reprisal, stigma and communal and family ostracism.
Crucial here are both the evidentiary standards relied upon and the degree of confidentiality
upheld during the reparations process.
36.
Furthermore, a judicial approach does not endorse forms of reparations that have the
potential to challenge pre-existing gender hierarchies, including those that result in women
holding less property than men, having lesser educational opportunities and, hence, less
income-generating potential. While criminal and tort procedures may seek to apportion
individual responsibility for moral and material harm and grant reparations to victims, they
do not provide the proper framework for rehabilitation and guarantees of non-repetition,
which may have the greatest transformative potential. Nevertheless, judicial institutions
remain important arenas.
37.
Therefore, in the context of mass violations, reparations are better located in
administrative reparations schemes than by case-by-case judicial adjudications that seek
compensation in proportion to harm. Administrative reparations programmes can obviate
some of the difficulties and costs associated with litigation, including high expenses, the
need to gather evidence which may sometimes be unavailable, the pain associated with
cross-examination and the lack of trust in the judicial system. This may be particularly
relevant for women in general and for victims of sexual violence in particular.
38.
The administrative arena also enables a proactive approach to reaching victims and
may provide a satisfactory platform for focusing on information about victims including
their number, socio-economic profile, age, gender breakdown, family structures, the
violations they have suffered or an account of the effects of the violations on their lives.
This information is all relevant to understanding the structural component of the violations,
the share of State responsibility by either action or omission and the gender-specific impact
of the violence on women’s and girls’ lives.
39.
Another advantage of reparations programmes crafted through legislative or
administrative schemes is that victims, victims’ groups and civil society in general can be
involved in the process in more proactive ways than judicial proceedings allow for. This not
only facilitates access to the information needed for the proper design of a programme, but
has in and of itself a reparative effect, by conveying a sense of agency. While this is true for
all victims in general, it may be even more so for women, given that they ordinarily face
more difficulties reaching the public sphere and interacting with the State.
40.
The question of timing is also important in determining women’s access to
reparations, especially for crimes of a sexual nature. Since the preconditions for reporting
and testifying on sexual abuse are not always present in the aftermath of conflict or
repression — especially in poverty-ridden scenarios where women’s health conditions are
extremely poor — reparations programmes should not sacrifice adequate accessibility to the
otherwise legitimately felt urgency of society to move forward. Narrow applications
deadlines or a closed-list system may not allow different victims to come forward and claim
reparations when they feel physically and psychologically prepared to do so.
2.
Substantive considerations: understanding harm to women
41.
Reparations programmes allow for the simplification, in a consistent manner, of a
complex reality of mass and gross violations of human rights by relying more or less
explicitly on a set of common elements, including: the definition of “victims” or the
selection of the list of violations or crimes for which there will be reparations; the definition
of “beneficiaries” as the group of persons who are eligible for the benefits to be distributed;
12
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