A/HRC/14/22 stigmatization and ostracism by the family and/or community, subsequent emotional distress, loss of status and the possibility to marry or have a male protector, and access communal resources. None of the reparations programmes in the post-conflict or postauthoritarian scenario has explicitly referred to forms of reproductive violence (such as forced impregnation, forced abortion or forced sterilization) as separate categories. Explicit recognition and visibility of various forms of violence and the ensuing harm is required for responsive reparation programmes. 46. Under many authoritarian regimes, and more so in situations of large-scale civil strife, violence is often perpetrated with the complicity of non-State actors, including foreign States, members of guerrillas, self-defence groups, corporations and ordinary citizens. Whereas some reparations programmes are embracing these forms of violence, the record of such programmes overall is still quite patchy. (b) Gender violence and the identification of beneficiaries 47. The definition of “victim” endorsed by the Basic Principles and Guidelines assumes that, although the violation of a right is a precondition for the right to reparation, the relationship between the right and the violation, for purposes of reparation, is mediated by the notion of harm. As a result, the potential rights holders include not only victims, but also others, such as close family members and dependants, who are affected or harmed as a consequence of the violation. This notion of victim that links rights and harms allows for the reflection that every gross violation generates a “community of harm” which impacts others to be reflected. Bringing the notion of harm to the fore can also allow victims to be prioritized according to the severity of the harm endured. Both expanding beneficiaries and prioritizing victims and beneficiaries according to harm can have important consequences for women. 48. There is a broader question regarding the concept of family that is embraced in reparations programmes. In this regard, polygamous unions, de facto unions, same-sex unions and more extensive culturally contingent support mechanisms, should be adequately represented to reflect the real web of dependencies and the harms entailed by their disruption. (c) Gender violence and reparation measures 49. Official apologies, pensions, educational opportunities, access to health and psychological rehabilitation services, individual payments and measures of collective reparations, including specific infrastructure reconstruction measures, are some ways in which reparations programmes attempt to help victims move forward. While some programmes may prioritize individual and material compensation through individual payments, others may place a greater emphasis on access to services and rehabilitation of both individuals and affected communities. Various programmes may rely more or less on symbolic and/or collective forms of reparations. Political priorities, but also the number of victims, the resources available and the existence of competing needs of the overall population will inevitably shape reparation policies. The following paragraphs will address various modalities of reparations. Restitution and compensation 50. Since women and girls who are subjected to gender violence, including sexual violence and forced unions, are often re-victimized in their families and communities, restitution of identity, family life and citizenship for them may require measures that target their wider communities – including attempts to subvert cultural understandings around the value of women’s purity and sexuality. Although some of the intangible assets that are often taken from victims of sexual violence, such as virginity or social standing, cannot be returned, all the tangible assets of which victims of sexual violence are commonly stripped 14 GE.10-13109