Sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar and the gendered impact of its ethnic conflicts in English
slurs during the commission of these violations247 and in their treatment as inferior or even
“sub-human”.248
111. One Kachin survivor recounted that she was called a “Kachin bitch” and “children
of the fucker”.249 Another survivor said her perpetrators compared Kachin people to dogs. 250
A witness to the gang rape of two teenage girls by 20 soldiers in a forest heard the soldiers
call the girls “witches” and tell them, “we will torture you Kachin bitches until you are
extinct”.251 A witness to sexual assault, rape and killing of Shan women during forced
labour reported the soldiers told them, “all Shan ladies are only for us and not for the Shan
people. We do not want your children to be Shan.”252 One Ta’ang female survivor also
reported the soldiers insulted her during rape, which she understood despite her limited
knowledge of the Myanmar language.253
112. The Mission found that the Tatmadaw used rape and other forms of sexual violence
to target women and girls during its military ground operations, 254 during forced labour255 or
as a result of heavy militarization256 with a particular intent to punish or dehumanise them
for their gender, ethnic and religious identity. Women and girls have been subjected to
abduction, rape, including gang rape and attempted rape, rape-murder, forced nudity, sexual
assault and other forms of sexual violence. There are also credible reports of sexual
slavery.257 In many cases, sexual violence was accompanied by degrading behaviour,
including insults and spitting.258 When women escaped, Tatmadaw soldiers would
frequently search for them, threaten and physically abuse their family members, and
destroy or steal their property.259
113. The findings in this section are based on over 65 interviews with survivors, families
of survivors and victims, witnesses, and sexual and gender-based violence experts. The
prevailing context of insecurity in northern Myanmar, the culturally based stigmatisation
and ostracism of sexual violence survivors, and the continuing presence of the military and
armed groups, despite the current ceasefire, suggest significant underreporting of human
rights violations.260
(ii)
Rape and other forms of sexual violence during Tatmadaw ground operations
114. In its 2018 report the Mission concluded on reasonable grounds that sexual violence
has been perpetrated against women and girls in Shan and Kachin since 2011 during
Tatmadaw-led “clearance operations” as a tactic of war.261
115. Since June 2011, when the 17-year ceasefire between the Kachin Independence
Army (KIA) and the Tatmadaw broke down, Tatmadaw has conducted military operations
247
248
249
250
251
252
253
254
255
256
257
258
259
260
261
28
A/HRC/39/CRP.2, para. 112; DI-063, DI-064, DI-066, PI-003, PI-007, PI-004, PI-026, PI-069, QI090, QI-096.
A/HRC/39/CRP.2, para. 112, 217-218; DI-061, PI-087, QI-094, PI-031.
PI-004.
PI-023.
PI-069.
PI-155.
PI-166.
GI-006, PI-063, PI-069 , PI-117, PI-146, see also Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF), Summary
of HR violations committed by Burma Army troops during military offensive in Tang Yan, Shan State,
from 14-15 April 2013 (April 2013).
A/HRC/39/CRP.2, para 253-273; PI-004, PI-023, PI-029, PI-067, PI-068, PI-083, PI-089, PI-099, PI124; PI-125, QI-084, PI-143, PI-146, PI-155, PI-175.
PI-003, PI-007, PI-096, QI-078, QI-082, V-330.
PI-067, PI-068, PI-160.
PI-003, PI-004, PI-146.
PI-003, PI-005, PI-007, PI-067, PI-068, QI-084.
A/HRC/31/71, para. 48.
A/HRC/39/CRP.2, para. 1374.
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