A/HRC/41/19 Somalia and Yemen, where rates of child marriage were among the highest in the world, armed, terrorist and transnational criminal groups directly profited from trafficking, with victims being either abducted or deceived by false promises and ending up enduring sexual slavery and forced prostitution (S/2018/250, para. 18). 21. As indicated above, girls and women endure multiple forms of gender-based violence under the guise of marriage. The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic reported that ISIL fighters had successively forced many women and girls into marriage, some as many as six or seven times within two years. When the so-called fighter-husband was killed, ISIL command deliberately waived the Islamic three-month period of mourning, thus making it possible to pass a woman on to the next fighter in line. As for the widowed or unmarried women and girls who were unable to stay with relatives, they were often forced to live in “guest houses” run by Hisbah, where they were subjected to forced prostitution and sexual exploitation. The monitoring and reporting mechanism on grave violations against children in situations of armed conflict, which was established in accordance with Security Council resolution 1612 (2005), noted that girls who were forcibly married to fighters barely knew their names and were frequently divorced and abandoned when those fighters moved to other areas or regions. Other consequences include high numbers of child widows, because of their husbands dying in conflict. According to Action on Child, Early and Forced Marriage, when the husband dies, the child widow is left destitute, as there is often no safety net, such as a pension. A child who has been married to an ISIL or Taliban fighter might even be rejected by their own family. 22. In some instances, stigmatization is both a consequence and driving factor. The fear of retaliation owing to the concept of family honour is often constructed around notions of female virginity before marriage and sexual fidelity afterwards, and can be compounded by the presumption of guilt by association facing women and girls who have been forcibly married. Reports indicate that some women and girls in the Syrian Arab Republic and Yemen committed suicide after being subjected to sexual violence, because they were unable to cope with the perceived shame of the rapes and the added pressure by family members. Many former wives of Al-Shabaab fighters in the coastal regions of Somalia and Kenya face similar risks of stigmatization and retaliation, including from the public authorities. As the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) noted in its submission, women in this situation are sometimes seen as “enemies of the State” or are radicalized (S/2018/250, para. 62). In Nigeria and Cameroon, according to the submissions by Action on Child, Early and Forced Marriage and the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms of Cameroon, the girls kidnapped by Boko Haram were ostracized by society when returning home, as they had given birth to “children of the enemy”. In the Central African Republic, survivors of sexual and gender-based violence were forced to relocate, together with their children, to different districts to escape abuse by their families (S/2018/250, para. 28). Such stigmatization related to sexual and gender-based violence is highly damaging to girls and women who have already suffered violation and abuse. V. Challenges and implementation gaps in addressing child, early and forced marriage in humanitarian settings 23. Among the challenges that have been identified in addressing child, early and forced marriage in humanitarian settings are the impact of the disruption of services, the limited capacity and resources of actors to address harmful practices and the limited amount of evidence and data. 1. Impact of the breakdown of infrastructure on the implementation and enforcement of legislative and policy measures 24. In humanitarian settings, even where legislation prohibiting child marriage exists, its implementation and enforcement may be hampered by the disruption and collapse of public institutions and services. In their submissions, the United Nations Entity for Gender 7