A/HRC/30/44
go well beyond trade, governing investment and intellectual property as well, imposing
fundamental changes to countries’ legal, judicial, and regulatory frameworks, without input
or accountability through democratic institutions. Perhaps the most invidious — and most
dishonest — part of such agreements concerns investor protection. Of course, investors
have to be protected against the risk that rogue governments will seize their property. But
that is not what these provisions are about. There have been very few expropriations in
recent decades, and investors who want to protect themselves can buy insurance from the
Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency, a World Bank affiliate (the US and other
governments provide similar insurance). … The real intent of these provisions is to impede
health, environmental, safety, and, yes, even financial regulations.”21 With regard to
developing countries, the 2014 report of the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD) further notes: “Foreign capital flows to developing and transition
economies may support investment, economic diversification and growth, or generate
macroeconomic instability, external imbalances and boom-and-bust-credit episodes. … For
macroprudential and developmental reasons, governments need sufficient policy space to
be able to manage foreign capital flows, influence their amount and composition, and
channel them to productive uses.”22 This correctly points out that foreign direct investment
and other capital flows can generate problems in areas beyond human rights.
13.
Observers have noted grave democratic deficits with international investment
agreements and investor–State dispute settlement tribunals and wondered why States
continue to engage in negotiations, based on partisan studies and overly optimistic forecasts
about gross domestic product (GDP) growth and employment. Not only is there a failure of
States to proactively disclose information about the agreements, but key stakeholders are
excluded from the negotiating table, where mostly corporate lawyers and lobbyists 23
participate. There is even an attempt to circumvent parliaments by “fast-tracking” the
adoption of these agreements, manifesting a gross absence of due process and hence of
democratic legitimacy.
14.
There is no lack of good diagnoses about the challenge. The problem lies in part in
an anachronistic and uncritical commitment to the philosophy of market fundamentalism.
Joseph writes perceptively: “Free trade is not an end in itself. … The fervour with which
free trade advocates continue to promote their cause is astonishing.” 24 Stiglitz notes the lack
of empirical evidence that trade liberalization has significantly increased GDP and
employment, notwithstanding dogmatic assertions to that effect and amazingly optimistic
forecasts for agreements currently under consideration. 25 As Joseph observes, because trade
law spills over into other areas of law, the desire for certainty cannot legitimately
quarantine trade rules from allegedly non-trade considerations such as human rights and
21
22
23
24
25
8
www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/us-secret-corporate-takeover-by-joseph-e--stiglitz-2015-05.
Trade and Development Report, 2014 p. 145. Available from
http://unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/tdr2014_en.pdf. See also UNCTAD World Investment Report
2015: Reforming the International Investment Regime.
See www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/special/business/trade-advisory-committees/index.html.;
big.assets.huffingtonpost.com/WarrenBrownTPPLetter.pdf; corporateeurope.org/
pressreleases/2014/07/agribusiness-biggest-lobbyist-eu-us-trade-deal-new-research-reveals;
www.publicintegrity.org/2005/07/07/5786/drug-lobby-second-none;
www.citizen.org/documents/egregious-investor-state-attacks-case-studies.pdf; and
www.opensecrets.org/lobby/methodology.php.
Sarah Joseph, Blame it on the WTO? A Human Rights Critique (Oxford University Press, 2011),
p. 288.
Joseph Stiglitz and Andrew Charlton, Fair Trade for All: How Trade can Promote Development
(Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 34.
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