A/HRC/13/33
advantages,33 since organizations or cooperatives can significantly reduce the transaction
costs which commodity buyers associate with small-scale farming. Such organizations also
enhance the capacity of farmers to obtain lower prices when they buy inputs, and higher
prices when they seek to sell their produce. They can spread the risks across their
membership; provide services and organize training sessions for their members; provide
infrastructure services to members, such as storage or transformation facilities; and
disseminate price and other marketing information. The strengthening of such associations
is recommended by various international bodies and experts, including ILO and the
International Assessment on Agricultural Sciences and Technologies for Development
(IAASTD).34 Cooperatives that function according to democratic principles, that work for
their members and in which costs and benefits are distributed equitably can be extremely
beneficial to their members. States should go beyond recognizing the right of farmers to
organize. They could establish an appropriate legal framework, that encourages the
formation of cooperatives by smallholders, for instance by favouring access to loans for
infrastructure investment. They could also build economic incentives, for instance
preferential treatment of cooperatives in public procurement schemes, or tax incentives for
the cooperatives themselves or for those buying from cooperatives. Cooperatives wishing to
enter the global supply chain could benefit from capacity-building in order to improve their
managerial capacity and ability to meet the increasingly complex norms and requirements
of buyers and public authorities active on regional and global food markets.
32.
States could also establish or support marketing boards, equipped to buy certain
volumes of staple crops at remunerative prices, in order to put pressure on private traders to
improve on their own offers. These boards should be set up with the participation of
farmers’ organizations. Such boards could help farmers market their products, or comply
with standards imposed by the large commodity buyers or retailers. They could, for
instance, provide for a transparent and reliable certification system. In the past, such
marketing boards have sometimes used their monopsony power to artificially reduce prices
received by farmers in order to ensure cheap food for urban consumers, or to earn foreign
currency from food exports in order to fund industrialization policies; sometimes cheap
food served the interests of the domestic food processing industries.35 In effect, farmers
were taxed, and the urban population subsidized – a situation made even worse by the high
prices of inputs, the result of tariffs on imported inputs and of an artificially depressed
currency exchange rate.36 In that context, marketing boards in fact prevented farmers from
retaining control over the prices they received for their produce, leading to the emergence
of parallel farmers’ markets and, sometimes, to bribery of marketing board officials. Great
33
34
35
36
12
Bank, World Development Report 2008, p. 88.
See World Food Programme, World Hunger Series, Hunger and Markets (London, Earthscan, 2009),
p. 133; International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), “Responding to the Global Food Crisis:
Three Perspectives”, 2008. On the role of collective action institutions in improving market access for
the rural poor, see H. Markelova and others, “Collective action for smallholder market access”, Food
Policy, vol. 34, No. 1 (February 2009), p. 1.
See ILO recommendation No. 193 (2002) concerning Promotion of Cooperatives; International
Assessment on Agricultural Sciences and Technologies for Development (IAASTD), Agriculture at a
Crossroads: Global Summary for Decision Makers (2009), key finding 12, p. 6; para. 12 (b) (ii) of
resolution 17/1 and para. 19 (p. 41) of the Chairperson’s summary, report on the seventeenth session
of the Commission for Sustainable Development, E/2009/29-E/CN.17/2009/19.
See Robert Bates, Markets and States in Tropical Africa: the Political Basis of Agricultural Policies
(Berkeley, University of California Press, 2005), ch. 1.
Alberto Valdés and Ammar Siamwalla, Foreign Trade Regime, Exchange Rate Policy, and the
Structure of Incentives, in John Mellor and Raisuddin Ahmed (eds.), Agricultural Price Policy for
Developing Countries, (IFPRI, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), p. 110.
GE.09-17776
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