A/HRC/41/39/Add.1
66.
More public knowledge about the development and operation of automated systems
is necessary. In the absence of transparency about the existence and workings of automated
systems, the rights to contest an adverse decision and to seek a meaningful remedy are
illusory.
VII. Poverty among specific groups
67.
Women, racial and ethnic minorities, children, single parents, persons with
disabilities and members of other historically marginalized groups face disproportionately
higher risks of poverty.
68.
Changes to taxes and benefits since 2010 have been highly regressive, and have
taken the highest toll on those least able to bear it. The Government paints a picture of
austerity in which everyone has tightened their belt together but, according to the Equality
and Human Rights Commission, while the bottom 20 per cent of earners will have lost on
average 10 per cent of their income by 2021–2022 as a result of these changes, top earners
have actually come out ahead. This is compounded by cuts to public spending, including on
housing and education, that have hit the lowest-income households the hardest, and in
England amount to cuts of 16 per cent or £1,450 per person. 81 The cumulative impact of
these changes on particular groups, and the stubborn refusal of the Government to heed
recommendations, including by the Treasury Committee, that they produce and publish a
robust equalities impact assessment suggest that the country’s policies do not conform with
the principle of non-discrimination enshrined in international law.
A.
Women
69.
Recent policies have too often perpetuated rather than tackled the gendered aspects
of poverty. Women in the United Kingdom earn less than men, shoulder a greater amount
of unpaid labour and are more likely to experience poverty. 82 Single female pensioners
consistently experience poverty at a higher rate than others.83 In 2018, women were paid
17.9 per cent less per hour on average than men, 84 made up 60 per cent of the workers
receiving low pay85 and were disproportionately engaged in part-time work with little wage
progression.86
70.
Given the structural disadvantages faced by women, it is particularly disturbing that
so many policy changes since 2010 have taken a greater toll on them. Changes to tax and
benefit policies made since May 2010 will by 2021–2022 have reduced support for women
far more than for men.87 Reductions in social care services translate to an increased burden
on primary caregivers, who are disproportionately women. Under UC, single payments to
an entire household, which are the default arrangement, can entrench problematic and often
gendered interpersonal dynamics, including by giving control of payments to a financially
or physically abusive partner. 88 The theoretical availability of alternative payment
arrangements in exceptional circumstances is insufficient, and a 2019 commitment to pay
benefits to the main carer in a household does not go far enough. 89
81
Reed and Portes, The Cumulative Impact on Living Standards of Public Spending Changes, pp. 29
and 43.
82 Sara Reis, “The female face of poverty”, Women’s Budget Group, July 2018, pp. 7 and 15–16.
83 Joseph Rowntree Foundation, UK Poverty 2018, pp. 13–14.
84 Office for National Statistics, “Gender pay gap in the UK: 2018”.
85
Conor D’Arcy, Low Pay Britain 2018, Resolution Foundation, May 2018.
86 Monica Costa Dias, Robert Joyce and Francesca Paroli, Wage Progression and the Gender Wage Gap:
The Causal Impact of Hours of Work, Institute for Fiscal Studies, 2018.
87 Jonathan Portes and Howard Reed, The Cumulative Impact of Tax and Welfare Reforms, Equality and
Human Rights Commission, Research Report 112, March 2018, p. 99.
88 House of Commons Work and Pensions Committee, “Universal Credit and domestic abuse”.
Seventeenth Report of Session 2017–2019”, 18 July 2018.
89 United Kingdom Government, “Universal Credit: personal welfare”, 11 January 2019.
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