A/HRC/41/CRP.1 A man of conscience more than of politics 60. His work as a journalist was long standing but his alienation from KSA something far more recent. Mr. Khashoggi was not seen by dissidents to be naturally “one of them”; being someone who had moved in circles of influence they did not share or necessarily trust. 61. Described by many as a “traditionalist”, his earlier patterns of reporting and some of his ideas and associations (e.g. his early-career reportage on al-Qaeda7; his association with the Qatar Emir’s media adviser; his 2017 CNN Arabic article on the Muslim Brotherhood) meant he was at times very frustrating to the many who actively campaign for political freedoms in Saudi Arabia, to such an the extent that some even wondered if he might be an “informant”. 62. Indeed, he was well connected with establishment figures. He knew the President of Turkey personally and, for many years, had been close to the Saudi administration and to the Saudi Royal Court. 63. His political journey, as widely characterized, was an evolution over time. From his earlier career sympathy for moderate Islamist movements, he had moved by later life to a far more liberal view point. Events - specifically the Arab spring - changed him. Over the years, falling in and out of favor with the Saudi authorities, Mr. Khashoggi’s analysis eventually took him to a point where he believed he could no longer be silent, as he explained in his first piece for the Washington Post in September 2017, even though he never expressed publicly opposition to the house of Saud, nor urged change of the country’s administration nor called for replacement of MBS8. 64. Nevertheless, his later public stance on the country came at great personal cost, long before he paid the ultimate price. His column in the Saudi newspaper al-Hayat had been cancelled under political pressure. In 2016 authorities had banned him from writing, appearing on television, and attending conferences; this as a result of remarks he made that were interpreted as criticizing the newly elected President of the United States, according to multiple media sources. His exile from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was self-imposed but he believed he had no other choice - no choice but to leave. 65. In doing so, he lost his wife, who was forced to divorce him, and his children, some of whom endured a travel ban, property, possessions, income and status. Many in his family and friendship network turned their backs on him.9 66. In the months leading up to his death, Mr. Kashoggi spoke often of his anxiety about the ongoing consequences of his speaking out and of their possible escalation, citing examples of intimidation against and abuse of others by Saudi authorities, both within Saudi Arabia and beyond (citing, for example, the scholars arrested in the Kingdom and the dissidents pressured into talking favorably of the Kingdom under threat of imprisonment if they did not⁠.) 67. Despite their assurances and ongoing effort, the Saudi authorities could not induce Mr. Khashoggi to return to Saudi Arabia. He was certain that he could not do so safely; the campaign against him in the Saudi media being but one reason why. However, he appears to have been very confident that he was safe in Turkey – noting that, in his view, Turkey not only enjoyed good security, but that Saudi Arabia shared a good relationship with Turkey – one that it would not want to hurt. To many around him, and likely to Mr. Khashoggi himself, his own killing, particularly outside of Saudi Arabia, was just unthinkable. 7 8 9 https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/from-travels-with-bin-laden-to-sparring-with-princes-jamalkhashoggis-provocative-journey/2018/10/07/c1290f28-ca3d-11e8-ad0a0e01efba3cc1_story.html?utm_term=.5a762859f7e7. https://www.economist.com/open-future/2018/07/26/how-free-expression-is-suppressed-in-saudiarabia. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/from-travels-with-bin-laden-to-sparring-with-princes-jamalkhashoggis-provocative-journey/2018/10/07/c1290f28-ca3d-11e8-ad0a0e01efba3cc1_story.html?utm_term=.320832897f67. 13