A/HRC/4/62 page 14 commissions has been the inclusion of communal reparations in addition to individual ones, in order, for instance, to promote the development and reintegration of specific regions that had been particularly affected by violence and marginalized.23 This proposal reflects the understanding that an approach focused solely on individual victims of selected civil and political rights violations would ignore the plight of many other people who suffered differently but were equally affected by the conflict. 39. Communal reparations are a significant expansion of the scope of reparations programmes and would be an appropriate tool for truth commissions. It remains the case, however, that, in the words of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “[communal reparations do not] substitute for more broad-based and longer term socio-economic policies that aim to redress and prevent widespread inequalities and discrimination”.24 40. Ensuring accountability for a few civil and political rights violations will not bring full justice if the surrounding conditions leading to those violations are not addressed and discrimination between groups remains a reality. Judicial redress, albeit crucial, has limitations. If unlawful discrimination is occurring, it must be challenged as a matter of principle, as with any other violation. It is, however, equally crucial to address the legitimate grievances which, if ignored, are likely to fuel the next conflagration. To the extent that socio-economic inequalities constitute a significant source of conflict and remain acute in the post-conflict period, correcting them should form a central aspect of policy design. As the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights noted: “Democracy, stability and peace cannot long survive in conditions of chronic poverty, dispossession and neglect” (A/CONF.157/PC/62/Add.5, para. 9). 41. Policies to redress inequalities can take several forms, such as temporary “special measures”25 or programmes for vulnerable groups (such as minorities, women, children or civilian victims of war) who have been particularly discriminated against, or an emphasis on social policies, which have proven effective and more beneficial to growth than macroeconomic policies, in the immediate aftermath of a conflict.26 The rationale for these measures reflects the fact that entire groups may have been either discriminated against economically and socially or particularly affected by the conflict, groups who may not be the subject of attention from courts, 23 See the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission’s final report at: www.ier.ma. 24 High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Economic and social justice for societies in transition”, op. cit. 25 See e.g. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, arts. 1 (4), 2 (2); Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, art. 4; and S/2004/616, para. 25. 26 P. Collier, P. and A. Hoeffler, “Aid, Policy and Growth in Post-Conflict Societies”, policy research working paper No. 2902, The World Bank, 2002, quoted in P. Collier et al., A World Bank Policy Research Report: Breaking the Conflict Trap (Washington: The World Bank, 2003), p. 155.