A/HRC/6/14 page 8 20. As the Government did not respond to these demands, large peaceful demonstrations led by monks started on 18 September, with the participation of civilians in the days that followed. The monks also withdrew their religious services from the military and their families, symbolized by the “overturning of the alms bowl” (known in Pali as “patam-nikkujjana-kamma”), whereby a number of monks participating in the demonstrations carried their alms bowls upside down in an emblematic gesture. This is an especially strong act, as it precludes the military leadership and members of their families from making merit - a very important part of Buddhist spiritual and religious life. Only under the most compelling moral circumstances will a monk refuse alms that have been offered. Under the monks’ code of discipline, the Vinaya Pitaka, the boycott was formally agreed upon and announced in assemblies on 18 September. 21. This is not the first time Buddhist monks have staged demonstrations in Myanmar. Indeed, there is a long tradition of social and political militancy in the monasteries of the country. Several of Myanmar’s anti-colonial revolts were, at least partially, organized and led by the clergy. Monks were again actively involved in the pro-democracy uprising that swept the country in 1988. The then State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) launched a crackdown, monasteries were raided and as many as 300 monks were disrobed and imprisoned. 22. This time, the crucial difference is that the involvement of the monks found its origin in the harsh conditions of living imposed on the people of Myanmar. The worsening standard of living is also adversely affecting the livelihoods of the monks, squeezed between the increased demands of the people and the meagre offers made to them. Monasteries have increasingly been overrun by the desperately poor, who seek shelter and sustenance from the Sanghas, but have had to turn people away because lay contributions cannot sustain the monks and those they would normally take in. The monasteries are the only social safety net that exists for most communities in the country. Although the statements of the All Burma Monks Alliance were explicitly political from the outset, the majority of monks went to some lengths to show that their purpose in taking to the streets was to give expression to the socio-economic hardships that they and the people were facing, rather than the pursuit of any political agenda. 23. Thus, during the first days of the monks’ demonstrations in Yangon after 18 September, the lay population was requested to keep separate from the demonstrations and not to chant political slogans. In addition to reinforcing the message to the authorities that the monks’ actions stemmed from genuine social and religious grievances, it was important to ensure the broadest possible participation of monks, including the apolitical and more conservative elements. Yet, as the protests continued to increase in scale, a group of young activist monks gradually assumed a leadership role on the streets. There was increasing involvement of students, political parties, civil society groups, and the general population in the demonstrations. 24. The scale of the demonstrations and the leadership role of the monks took everyone by surprise. In previous cases, it had been easier for the authorities to justify their actions as being directed not at Buddhist monks per se, but at radical elements who had violated the Buddhist disciplinary code by entering the political realm (“bogus monks”, in the regime’s parlance).