A/HRC/43/18 28. Furthermore, the ability of Buddhist ultra-nationalists to exert influence on state institutions as well as society at large has culminated in the adoption of the four “race and religion laws” following aggressive advocacy to legally restrict religious freedom to defend Buddhism. Their anti-Muslim campaign has directly led tod mob violence, boycotting and attacking of Muslim businesses, obstructing Muslim religious practice, demolishing Muslim schools and homes, declaring “no-go zones” for Muslims, and discrimination by local governments and in the justice system52. 29. These developments have taken place in the context of a sudden expansion in public space that has allowed for free expression. The historical absence of independent media has undermined media literacy among the general public, including their ability to critically decipher misinformation. Since 2014, digital connectivity began to reach the population, with a rapid increase in the availability of mobile phones. By mid-2018, it was estimated that there were around 20 million users of Facebook in Myanmar53 out of a population of 54 million.54 Business for Social Responsibility (BSR) conducted a human rights impact assessment for Facebook in Myanmar55 and observed “significant shortcomings in the areas of digital literacy, privacy awareness, and critical thinking”, with most internet users lacking basic understanding of how to navigate and make judgement on online content, including differentiation of real news from misinformation. It also found that rural people, people with lower incomes and people with lower levels of education were more vulnerable to hate speech and misinformation. 30. After decades of military rule under which all forms of dissent and pluralism were heavily suppressed, with far-reaching public surveillance and restrictions on media, education, civil society and academia, the culture of democratic public discourse is only starting to take root. Public debates and collective actions are now generally possible; media outlets have proliferated; parliament sessions are broadcast. However, civic space remains precarious, as the military and the Government have increasingly shown intolerance to public criticism, resorting to judicial harassment to curb the democratic role of civil society and the press. Over 200 cases of so-called “defamation” have been filed by the military or its supporters56 against their critics including journalists and ethnic human rights activists who have tried to raise awareness of human rights abuses by the military. Excessive restrictions continue to be placed on peaceful assembly, further curbing the civic space. 31. The Government is working on draft legislation concerning hate speech and the Ministry of Information has conducted workshops and awareness-raising programmes aimed at its prevention57 While the Government has taken some steps to challenge Buddhist ultranationalists together with the state-backed Buddhist Sangha Council, including the declaration of MaBaTha as an unlawful organization and the banning of U Wirathu, an ultranationalist monk from preaching for one year, it has failed to actively promote the plurality of views in society to counteract prejudice and misleading narratives against Muslims and to protect those who have stood against this trend. This is particularly evident in a context where those who vilify Muslims, including the Rohingya, are well-coordinated, protected and resourced, whereas those expressing pluralistic visions, including some Buddhist monks and activists who are working for religious reconciliation, are marginalised and working with great risks58. Comparative research has shown the negative impact of indoctrination under authoritarianism on the political culture of post-authoritarian societies. Decades of oppression and purposeful stigmatization of certain groups and communities have severely damaged the social fabric, including the sense of identity, belonging and trust. This has been further exacerbated by an education system that was systematically weakened under military Christian Solidarity Worldwide, “Burma’s identity crisis: how ethno-religious nationalism has led to religious intolerance, crimes against humanity and genocide”, 2019; Burma Human Rights Network “Persecution of Muslims in Burma”, 2016; reports of Karen Human Rights Group. 53 BSR, 2018. “Human Rights Impact Assessment: Facebook in Myanmar”. 54 Department of Population, Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population (https://www.dop.gov.mm/en) 55 Ibid. 56 https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/total-number-defamation-casestelecommunications-law-hits-200.html 57 Permanent Mission of Myanmar, op.cit. 58 CSW, 2019, p. 13. 52 10